This is Ken Scott Baron from the National Association of Black and White Men Together with the run down on the 2020 Senate chamber where control of that chamber will be crucial to either party.
This summer, Texas Democrats to pick their favorite from a list of candidates for the 2020 U.S. Senate race. They chose, with nineteen per cent of the vote—almost twice that of the next nearest contender—former congressman Beto O’Rourke, of El Paso. 
About half of those polled said that O’Rourke should drop his Presidential bid and take Republican senator John Cornyn, whose approval rating is in the thirties. “Beto, if you’re listening: Come home,” the Houston Chronicle said in an editorial after the poll was released. “Texas needs you.”  Beto declined.
Even if Donald Trump is defeated, the Democrats will need to pick up three Senate seats in order to gain control of the chamber and have a reasonable chance of turning their plans into legislative reality. If Trump wins, the crucial net gain will be four. (The Vice-President gets to break any tie)
In addition, if either Elizabeth Warren or Bernie Sanders beat Trump—the Republican governor of the winner’s state would name an interim senator until a special election could be held.
Meanwhile, Supreme Court Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Stephen Breyer are both in their eighties. Trump could have an unimpeded choice to replace one or both of them, potentially remaking the Court. 
Republicans have to defend twenty-three of the thirty-five Senate seats on the ballot next year, but most of them are in deep-red states.
There are openings for the Democrats. One has already been taken: two weeks ago, in Colorado, the former governor John Hickenlooper abandoned his Presidential campaign, and he will now run against Senator Cory Gardner, instantly turning what had been a likely Republican win into a possible Democratic one. 
In Georgia, an increasingly purple state, there are now two Republican seats up for grabs. David Perdue, is running for re-election, and Johnny Isakson announced last week that he would step down at the end of this year for health reasons. 
There is a Democrat who could be a formidable contender for either seat: Stacey Abrams, the former minority leader of the Georgia House of Representatives, who narrowly lost a highly contested governor’s race last year. Abrams has said that she is not interested, even though, as in Texas, no other candidate commands the field. She intends to stay focussed on her voting-rights work, but she did say that she would “be honored” to be considered as the Democrats’ Vice-Presidential candidate.
In Arizona, Mark Kelly, a former Navy combat pilot and astronaut, is running against Senator Martha McSally, who lost last year to the Democrat Kyrsten Sinema but was appointed by the Republican governor to fill John McCain’s seat after his death. 
Kelly is the husband of the former congresswoman Gabrielle Giffords, who was seriously wounded eight years ago in a mass shooting at an event in Tucson. Since then, Giffords and Kelly have become tireless advocates for gun control. He is a well-known figure with a strong message in a state that seems ready to hear it.
The Democrats have their own vulnerabilities. Doug Jones won in a 2017 special election in Alabama against Judge Roy Moore, a far-right extremist. Jones must now defend that seat in a state where Trump’s approval rating is above sixty per cent. 
In Michigan, the junior Democratic senator, Gary Peters, is facing a strong challenger in John James, an Iraq War veteran and a businessman, who, if elected, would be one of only two African-American Republicans in the Senate. In these states—and in others that may be in play, such as Iowa, Maine, and North Carolina—the essential message is the same: the candidates matter.
And in case one forgets, the Senate is also a place where Montana, with a population of one million,